
Glass. 



Lziit 



Book HlT 



\?S^ 



ORATION, 

DELIVERED JULY 4, 1884, 



AT 



HONOLULU, 



BY 



HON. DAVID L. GREGG, 



u. s. 



HONOLULU. 
1854. 






jyOTE. — The Committee of Publication have deemed it proper to in 
aert in the body of the Oration, notes in parentheses, shotving the manner 
of its reception by the audience to which it was delivered. Two or three 
notes are also added, explanatory of references which might otherwise 
appear unintelligible to the general reader. 



CORRESPONDENCE. 

Honolulu, 6th July, 1854. 
Sir: — It is our honorable duty, as a committee by appointment, to 
make known to you that the following resolution was passed by an 
unanimous vote, after the delivery of the Oration, on the 4th inst., at 
the Celebration of American Independence. 

" Resolved, That the thanks of the American residents be tendered 
to the Hon. David L. Gregg, for the very eloquent, patriotic and in- 
dependent oration delivered this day; and that a copy of the same be 
requested for publication in English and Hawaiian, for gratuitous dis- 
tribution." 

Requesting your acceptance of the thanks tendered, the Committee 
would express their earnest wish that you should comply with the de- 
sire of the American residents, by furnishing us with a copy of the 
oration for publication. 

We have the honor to remain your obedient servants, 

BARNUM W. FIELD, 
EDWIN O. HALL, 
RICHARD COADY. 
Hon. D. L. Gregg, U. S. Commissioner, &,c., &c., &c., Honolulu. 

Honolulu, July 8, 1854, 
Gentlemen: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your 
note of the 6th inst., and, as requested, to place in your hands for pub- 
lication, a copy of the discourse pronounced by me on the late anni- 
versary of American Independence. 

I am grateful to my countrymen for the kind manner in which they 
have testified their approval of my humble effort to do justice to the 
men and the principles of the Revolution of 1776, I only claim the 
credit of a disposition to express and carry out, on all suitable occa- 



sions, the sentiments and policy which become an American citizen, 
yielding to the "rest of mankind " a proper and considerate courtesy, 
but never submitting to the arrogance of those who hate our free in- 
stitutions, and make it the business of their lives to misrepresent, to 
vilify and bi-ing them into contempt. To such persons, whoever they 
may be, I profess no obligations, and for them feel no respect. If 
what I thought it incumbent on me to say, places the stamp of false- 
hood on their conduct, the fault is their own, — not mine. It is enough 
for me to enjoy your sympathy and confidence, and that of my fellow 
countrymen. I ask no prouder distinction than that of an American 
citizen, and desire no higher earthly approval than such as comes 
from those who boast the same glorious privilege. 

Tendering, through you, my sincere thanks to the American resi- 
dents of Honolulu, and the many who joined them, on the 4th, in hon- 
oring the principles of the Declaration of Independence, 
I remain your obedient servant, 

DAVID L. GREGG. 
To Messrs. Field, Hall and Coady, Committee &c. 



ORATION. 



Seventy-eight years have rolled away, since the Declaration, to 
which you have just listened, was promulgated! It is now the ac- 
knowledged symbol of that wide-spread political creed, which con- 
fides in the power of humanity to appreciate its own wants and regu- 
late its own interests. 

Spventy-eight years, Americans, have passed over the existence of 
our native land. Seventy-eight years! In the life of nations, a mere 
point, yet fraught with the hopes, the happiness and the destiny of 
countless generations beyond it! 

How many events affecting the welfare of mankind, are crowded 
within the last seventy-eight years! How many of the most brilliant 
pages of history have been filled up by the recital of their marvelous 
incidents! What mutations have been experienced in the old world, 
as well as in the new, by dynasties and subjects, by rulers and peo- 
ple! But strange and wonderful as these events appear, the most 
wonderful of them all afford no parallel to the rise and progress of the 
United States of America. 

This is the subject which engages your thoughts, and upon which I 
am expected to address you. On this day, it is the right of Ameri- 
cans to review their national history, to indulge in congratulations, 
and to express the joy with which their hearts are filled. They may 
then, if ever, judge of men and manners, times and things, from their 
own peculiar point of view, regretting, if they are so disposed, that 
all the woi'ld is not blessed with optics sharp enough to see them in 
the same light. If Brother Jonathan cannot boast to his heart's con- 
tent, on the Fourth of July, of the immense superiority of *' Hail Co- 
lumbia" and "Yankee Doodle," over every other species of melody 
under the sun, then it is clear, not only that his vaunted independence 
is a mere shadow, but that he wants the spirit of his very friendly, but 



withal somewhat gruff old step-father, John Bull ! {Jipplaust^—ai the con- 
clusion of which, the band struck up " Yankee Doodle.^' When the music 
had ceased, Mr. Gregg said, " Ah! my friends, you appreciate Yankee 
Doodle, as I do. There is nothing like it in the world! It is the true 
melody of freedom, — it stirs up our hearts from their inmost depths! — 
Long, long, may ittvave!" Reiiewed and continued applause.) 

Seventy-eight years ago, the inefficiency and oppressions of coloni- 
al government forced the people of the original thirteen States to 
throw off the yoke which held them in subjection, and assert the in- 
alienable right of self-protection. Confidently appealing to the Su- 
preme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their intentions, they 
dared to enter the lists, in a contest whose fearful odds against them 
might well have appalled the stoutest heart. But their blows were not 
struck in vain. Heaven never looks with averted eye upon a right- 
eous cause, or long permits justice to be trodden under foot. Friends 
rose up in the hour of need; — bravery and skill were of no avail 
against a people contending for home, for fireside and for freedom. — 
Though for seven long years the conflict was protracted, it at length 
resulted in the prostration of servitude forever. Independence was 
gained, the principle of self-government was vindicated, and thence- 
forth, a new name, betokening liberty and strength, was inscribed up- 
on the list of nations. {Applause.) 

Contrast, for a moment, the old condition of things with the new. 
See the wide difference between colonial vassalage and independence. 
As colonies, the American States were weak and feeble dependencies. 
Rulers with alien sympathies and interests, controlled their destiny. 
Industry languished, — commerce stood still, — prosperity was on the 
wane. Position was nothing, and natural advantages of but little 
avail, so long as the immediate interest of distant authority did not 
prompt their development. Their whole administrative policy was de- 
tective, having no dependence upon the people, and being incapable, 
from the isolation of its agents, of fulfilling the true ends of govern- 
ment. It became, as such a policy always will, a source of discon- 
tent, of constant grievance, of absolute oppression; and amply justi- 
fied, before God and man, the violence by which it was subverted. — 
{Applause.) No government can long be beneficial, when its sympa- 
thies and action are dictated by a cabinet separated by oceans from 



its subjects; and hence it is that colonies always occupy the position 
of servants of a household, who must be content with the remnants of 
the feast, or the crumbs which fall from their master's table, instead 
of the lull repast which the children are permitted to enjoy. {Jlp- 
plause.) 

Freedom from the control of foreign masters was the immediate 
consequence of the Revolution. Thenceforth, the attributes of sove- 
reignty were exercised by those to whom they rightfully belonged. 
There was a community of interest between the plain citizen and his 
compeer, who for the time being, was invested with the dignity of offi- 
cial station. No clashing of purpose existed between them, for the 
highest good of both depended upon the same considerations, and de- 
manded a concurrence of sentiment and of policy. The exactions of 
Government, if such they might be called, were imposed by the free 
consent of the governed, and for their benefit alone; — not to enrich 
swarms of officers sent from abroad to eat out their substance. Re- 
presentation and taxation went together, — the administration of justice 
was unobstructed, — the supremacy of the civil power was established, 
— trade was no longer restricted, — legislation was free and enlighten- 
ed to enact laws for the public good. 

As if touched by the enchanter's wand, the thirteen colonies, so 
weak, so poor, so defenceless, started into healthy life at once. The 
broken reed which had propped them up before, being cast aside, self- 
reliance became their habit, and gave them Herculean strength and 
vigor. Commerce burst from the shackles by which she had been 
restrained, and spread her wings to catch the breezes of every cli- 
mate; — labor woke from its slumber; — enterprise, long bowed to the 
dust, lifted its head; — wealth sprung into being; — contentment and 
happiness prevailed. Population, before almost stationary, advanced 
with rapid strides. The infant nation, which came into being with 
three millions of inhabitants, has but little passed its threescore and 
ten years, yet it can count more than twenty millions, — or an increase 
of almost 500 per cent, from 1790, the first period of enumeration, to 
1850. From 1840 to 1850, the increase was 6,194,035, or 36-28 
per cent. In Europe the increase is below one and a half per cent, 
per annum; while in the United States, it is at the rate of three and a 
half per cent. Taking the past as a criterion, the United States, in 



less than forty years, will have a population exceeding that of Eng- 
land, France, Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Switzerland, combined! 
{Prolonged applause.) 

The new Government, which went into operation in 1789, was sur- 
rounded with difficulties, growing out of the old state of affairs. A 
heavy public debt and disordered finances bore upon it with oppres- 
sive weight. But the genius of Hamilton and the prudence of Wash- 
ington were equal to the task of bringing order out of chaos, and ma- 
king clear and smooth the policy of future times. Production, under 
the guidance of the wise statesmen of that period, soon disclosed its 
capacities; imports rapidly gave their contributions to swell the pub- 
lic revenue, and embarrassments disappeared. In 1789, the receipts 
into the treasury, from all sources, were $4,399,473; in 1851, with 
moderate duties, they reached the sum of J52,312,979. From 1791 
to 1851, exports had risen from $19,012,041 to $218,388,011, and 
imports from $52,200,000 to $216,224,932. In the same period, the 
mercantile tonnage of the Union was swelled from 502,146 to 3,772,- 
349. The public debt has disappeared, and the important question 
now is, how to check the current which fills the treasury to overflow, 
ing, rather than to add to its volume. {Great applause.) 

Territorial expansion has kept pace with, and contributed to pro- 
mote the general prosperity. Until 1803, the Mississippi constituted 
the western boundary of the Republic, but now the waves of the Pa- 
cific break upon its shores; — the golden sands of California reflect 
the sunlight upon its banner, and freedom evei'ywhere hails the pro- 
gress of its dominion, {Applause.) By the treaty with France, con- 
cluded on the 30th of April, in that year, the domain of the United 
States was extended to almost twice its former limits. Florida was 
ceded by Spain in 1819, and Texas came into the Union by annexa^ 
tion in 1845. In 1848, New Mexico and California were added, ma- 
king a total area of 3,306,805 square miles. The statistics of future 
years may, perchance, add to these figures, and show a still greater 
expansion of the area of freedom. {Great applause.) It is not for 
me to predict the course of destiny, nor can the world stop its onward 
progress. Time alone will manifest its purpose, and declare its tri- 
umph. {Renewed applause.) 



I) 

The original thirteen States have been increased to tliirty-one, all 
upon the same equal footing, under the pi-otecting jxiwer of the .same 
constitution, and alike blessed by the intiuences of its beneficent prin- 
ciples. No invidious distinction pievails; — no inferioiity is recogni- 
zed; — like stars of equal magnitude, the States move in their respect- 
ive orbits, around a con)mon centre, each contributing its part, to sus- 
tain the equilibrium and strength of the whole. The interests of Cal- 
ifornia and Texas are just as dear and as fully lespected as those of 
New Yoik, Massachusetts, or South Carolina; for the interest of one 
is the interest of all. Equality is the pervading principle of Ameri- 
can institutions; and no matter under what sky the citizen drew his 
first breath, — no matter to what part of the world his business or his 
pleasure may call him, — or in what quarter of the confederacy his re- 
sidence may be, the broad oegis of a common Constitution is thrown 
over him for protection. {Applause.) There are no grades of Amer- 
ican citizenship, — no colonists with inferior rights; but all stand upon 
the same wide platform before the law. Think you that Kozsta can 
ever regret his light to appeal to those stars and stripes as a security 
from Austrian dungeons?* {Applause.) Would the inhal^ant of 
California, or Florida, or New Mexico, — whether of English, or Span- 
ish, or aboriginal descent, — rely with less confidence upon the power 
of which those same stars and stripes are the glorious emblem.^ {Re- 
newed applause.) Where would have been all this prosperity, — this 
ability to protect, — this right to enforce the respect of the world, — 
without independence and self-government? Let Canada answer! — 
{Applause.) Contrast her condition with that of New York and New 
England, and if you are not then satisfied, go to Australia or Tahiti, 
or if you please, to India, to learn the advantages of colonial depen- 
dence! t^Eiithusiasiic applause.) 

Most appropriate is your device, on this occasion, to represent the 
thirty-one free and sovereign States of the American Union. Each 
of them is personated by youth and beauty. What more suitable? — 
What idea could have been more happily conceived? Here arc 
health and vigor, giving promise of maturcr charms. Here is the 
rose-bud just bursting into bloom, — the opening flower giving forth its 

*Mr. G. here pointed to the American flag. 



10 

first fragrancp. In these ranks may \>c found the hope of many a 
home, — the joy of many a heart. Fortunate will it be, my young 
friends, if the future shall realize the brilliant promises held out by 
the present moment; and flourishing will be the communities you per- 
sonate, if they may always claim such fair representatives, or boast 
such stout-hearted and valorous champions as attend you.* {Great 
applause ) 

It is not enough, on this festival, consecrated to Freedom, to con- 
template the material structure alone, however fair it may be, or grand 
its proportions. It is also fit to look into the principles of its con- 
struction, — to examine the order of its architecture, and pay some 
tribute to the skill of the master workmen who reared it. 

The Government ot the United States was almost of necessity re- 
publican. The first inhabitants of the new world were pilgrims seeking 
an asylum from oppression in the wilderness; they brought to their 
new homes the spirit of equality, of justice, and of truth, rejecting 
altogether the social distinctions and usages which had occasioned 
their early misfortunes. The republican element of the British con- 
stitution alone was transplanted to the wilds of America, and there it 
grew up unchecked. Royalty and nobility were left behind, and 
though in the end, sought to be engrafted upon it, the want of affinity 
made the effort vain. Hence when the Revolution took place, the 
organization of society required but little change. The incubus of 
foreign dominion was cast off, and alien rulers were expelled, but in 
all else, the current of affairs moved along in the usual channels. 
The pilgrim fathers of New England, of Maryland, and of all the colo- 
nies, laid the foundation of republican institutions, broad, and deep and 
firm, long before their distinguishing principles were formally asserted 
in the Declaration of Independence. That instrument was the neces- 
sary sequence of the one executed in the cabin of the Mayflower, on 
the 20th of November, 1620. From that remote period, must be da- 
ted the commencement of republicanism in America. (Applause.) 

But the patriots of 1776, did a necessary work in setting forth the 

*In this portion of his remarks, Mr. Orofrg addressed thirty-two young Rirls, the 
representatives of the different States and the District of Cohinibia. Each was dressed 
in white, with a wreath of flowers, and a scarf over the shoukler, — the name of the 
State represented in larpe fr\lt letters on the breast. The members of the Engine Com- 
pany " Young America " attended them, constituting a guard of honor. 



n 



true doctiinrs of luiinaii riohtss and the proper objects of government. 
Muuianity ones them an untold debt for their exalted patriotism and 
noble daring, and as future ages appear, new generations will rise up 
to bless them. A nobler band was never associated than the sijiners 
of the Declaration of Independence. In the hearts of theii' grateful 
descendants and countrymen, for all time, will the emotions of grati- 
tude be felt, and the spread of freedom throughout the world, will 
swell the voice of benediction by which their names are greeted. 
They were in their day, styled rebels, and threatened with the punish- 
ment of traitors, but what minion of tyranny would now degrade himself 
by reproaching their memories ! If their acts were treason, then pa- 
triotism is dishonorable and virtue criminal. Such treason is sancti- 
fied by religion and bears honors and not infamy as its reward. 
[Great applause.) 

Where can be found a more plain and truthful statement of the 
ends of government than they exhibited? Man, they assert, is endow- 
ed with certain unalienable rights, among which are "life, liberty and 
the pursuit of happiness." To secure these rights, government is in- 
stituted. But whence does government derive its sanction ? In what 
source, does its authority originate ? From the pcoj)le who are its 
subjects; - from ihe people whose interests it was created to subserve 
Heaven has ordained that society shall be organized, and government 
exist, but it ordains no further. No form is prescribed, no system of 
administration preferred. To the people of all countries, rightfully 
belongs the choice of what best suits their condition. They are the 
parties in interest, and have the right to determine the character of 
their own political institutions. (Applause.) 

Government then, being established for a particular end, it follows 
that when that end is not subserved, when the public interest is sacrific- 
ed, they may " alter or abolish it," and institute a new government, 
"laying its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers, 
in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety 
and happiness." And moreover, " when a long train of abuses, and 
usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to 
reduce the people to absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their 
duty to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for 
their future security," 



\l 



Here is the true theory of government, and a just and proper esti 
mate of its powers and duties. It disposes sumn.arily of the absurd 
dr.ctrine of the " Divine right of Kings " which grew up in the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries, and makes the people the legilnnate 
source of all civil power. It places in society the right of appointing 
its own institutions, and declares that no man or class of men has a 
vested interest in the sovereignty of any country, and cannot properly 
hold it except as a sacred trust for the general good. {JJpplctnsc.) 

So far as the institution of government is concerned, the " Divine 
ri^rht " is in the people, and not m their servants, and of their agency 
in'this respect, it may be truly said, " ro.f populi, vox Dei.'' Particu- 
lar forms are within their discretion ;-all are legitimate with the 
popular sanction, and none without it. Americans prefer republican- 
ism and are tirmly persuaded that it atlbrds the highest amount of in- 
divi'dual and social prosperity, but they are not propagandists except 
by example, and freely concede to others the same privilege which 
they have exercised-that of judging for themselves m what so inti- 
mately concerns their well being. {Jlpplausc.) 

Had ambitious or unprincipled men been at the head of the revolu- 
tion of 1776. its final results might have had a far different bearing 
upon the destinies of mankind. But Heaven in its wisdom combined 
in them, inflexible patriotism, with integrity above the allurements of 
ambition. Throughout the struggle, and on all occasions, they had 
less th0u.^ht for themselves than for their country and posterity. 
There wJ's Washington, prudent, just, and faithful, the able soldier, 
the wise statesman, the honest man,-the gift of Providence to his 
countrv,-a moral prodigy in the annals of the human race. {Great 
and unirersal applause.) He was no Coesar •,-had he been ambitious, 
an empire was within his reach,-a crown might have rested upon 
his brows, but he rejected the bauble with disdain, and laid aside his 
victorious sword to become a contented equal with his fellow citizens. 
(Renewed applause.) All honor to the name of Washington ! What 
American can pronounce it without respect and veneration ! What 
lover of freedom wherever he may be, does not make it a cherished 
household word ! ( Continued applause.) 

Everywhere the memorials of this illustrious man call up the most 



liloitsing aiul grateful associations, hut espLuially upon a tbreigii soil, 
as licre, thuusniuls ot' niiled away from tlie theatre upon wliicli he 
liv«'d and died. 

Toll me not tlioie is superstition or tolly in regarding with some de- 
gree of venoi-ation, such memorials of the great and good. It springs 
trom the purest and hest teelings of the human heart, — it is founded 
upon the just res[)ect which virtue and affection ought always to in- 
spire. By that tahle which stands yonder in your sight, the immortal 
Washington once sat down. From it, he and La Fayette, his illus- 
trious companion in arms, snatched a hasty repast on the 28th of June 
1778, after the fatigues and toils of the battle of Monmouth were over. 

It is now the cherished property of an American, resident in these 
Islands, in whose family it has ever been preserved as a sacred relic. 
Its presence here on this day is appropriate, and will not fail to excite 
in your minds more vivid recollections of the noble men with whose 
names it is associated,* {General ajrplause.) 

Besides Washington, there were in that noble band of patriots, an 
Adams, a Jefferson, a Madison, and a host of others whom proffered 
gold could not seduce, or empty titles bribe, — men whose talents and 
virtues would anywhere have secured them far more respect than 
obsequious loyalty is accustomed to pay to hereditary imbecility. 
— (JlppUiuse. ) No betrayer stood in their raidis. But one Judas 
disgraced the revolutionary councils, and he had gone to those who 
hugged the traitor, while at heart they loathed his treason. Arnold 
had pocketed the bounty of his infamy, and flourished a royal com- 
mission in the presence of soldiers and gentlemen, who it must be ad- 
mitted, could but illy brook the degradation of such an association. 
When presented to Lord Balcarras by George the third, at a royal 
levee, soon after the revolution, the honest old noblen".an, drawing 
himself up to his proudest height, exclaimed, even in the face of ma- 
jesty, " What, the traitor Arnold !" and turning upon his heel, left 

*Mr. G. alluded to a small tea-table, the property ol'C. "\V. Vincent. Esq., of Hono- 
lulu, who receiveil it as a present from his mother on a late visit to New Jersey. His 
great-grand-mother, Greonleaf, spread a repast upon it for Washington antl La Fay- 
ette, on the evening of June '2iith, 1778, of which fliey botli partook. It was carried 
conspicuously in the procession on the 4th, and while Mr. G. referred to it, one of th« 
Marshals of the day, held it in the view of the whole audience. 



14 

the miserable wretch to contemplate the depth to whicli lie liad fallen. 
Thus it is ever, when a just cause is deserted from motives oi gain or 
ambition. Baseness is always held in abhorrence by mankind and 
can never enjoy in peace the reward of its conduct. What wealth or 
honor can compensate for such execrations as the world heaps upon 
Judas, and Arnold, the most infamous of all the names recorded in 
hi.story ! The one sold his God for thirty pieces of silver, the other, 
bargained for the independence of his country, at the price of thirty 
thousand pounds, and a commission as Brigadier-General in the ene- 
my's service. If a distinction can be drawn, let it be in favor of Judas, 
who at least possessed a conscience, and had the grace to hang him- 
self out of remorse for his crime ! (Loiig- contimied applause.) 

The work which came from the hands of the revolutionary patriots 
was unsoiled by dishonor, and without mercenary taint. Had it been 
otherwise, humanity would have mourned its clouded hopes, and free- 
dom sighed to find its chosen empire subverted. The Federal Con- 
stitution is the grand and enduring monument of their wisdom. Thir- 
teen independent states had rescued at the bayonet's point, their sov- 
ereignty from the grasp of tyranny, but each stood upon its own loot- 
ing ; each held within itself all the elements of national power. 
Mere alliance, as under the articles of confederation, wanted that 
central energy which mutual interest demanded. Something more 
was necessary to " establish justice, ensure domestic tranquility, pro- 
vide for the common defence, promote the general welfare," and se- 
cure to posterity forever the blessings of liberty. Mutual wants 
prompted mutual^ concord, and as an arch in the temple of 
peace, fashioned by the craftsman's skill, the Union sprung up, ce- 
mented like the Egyptian pyramids, into a magnificent structure, 
which no succession of storms can disintegrate, or tempest overthrow. 
{Applause .) 

Let us look for a moment at some of its prominent features. One 
and all the states, so far as concerns their domestic affairs, are sove- 
reign and independent of each other. Each legislates for and governs 
itself, — each has its judicial tribunals, its executive and subordinate 
officers, its public treasury, its revenues, its improvements, its schools, 
its local policy, and over them exercises supreme control. The Fed- 



eral Government is only supreme within the range of powers delega- 
ted by the states. In this sense, it is their creature, tlie agent whicli 
they have appointed to promote their mutual interests. To its care, 
the management of foreign relations is exclusively confided ; — the mil- 
itary and naval forces are under its jurisdiction ; — harbors and defen- 
ces are constructed by its authority ; — in short, whatever is of a gen- 
eral nature, concerning the Union at large, is within the province of 
the Federal Government. All else is precisely as it would have been 
had the old confederacy remained in force. Strength, dignity and in- 
dependence are guaranteed to the Union, and yet to each of the states 
is secured the most valuable prerogatives which sovereignty can con- 
fer, (jipplause.) Texas in becoming one of the United States, though 
before an independent nation, retained for all domestic purposes, th(i 
full authority which she had always exercised, and even now, most of 
her laws stand precisely the same as when the lone star was display- 
ed upon her banner. But what did she gain ? Was she not weak and 
almost powerless ? Where were her fleets and armies, her revenues 
and credit ? What was her rank among the nations ? She lost not 
even her name, in the change which took place ; the people forfeited 
no right which they before enjoyed. But she gained the protection of 
a powerful nation; — she made its strength her own ; — She has ships 
and soldiers, and treasures in connectionwith her confederate sisters, 
and as a member of the Union, holds a far higher rank, than alone 
she could ever have aspired to reach. [Applause.) 

The territories of the United States are not colonies or mere depen- 
dencies. (Applause.) We have no such system as our fathers, for just 
reasons, abandoned. We neither acknowledge nor exact political 
servitude. Hence, our territories are not in the position of menials, 
but their condition is rather that of favored children, who are vexed 
with no burthens, provided with whatever is necessary to meet their 
wants, and properly educated to fill the exalted station which awaits 
them. {Great applause.) 

As the government rests directly upon the will of the people, which 
is frequently expressed through the ballot box, its policy is more di- 
directed to the general good, than is possible where social distinction^? 
make it necessary to pro\ide for the separate interests of different 
classes. All such distinctions are carefully excluded, all hereditary 



IG 

piivilegea rejected. The old law of priinogeinture is abolished, — a 
law derived from feudalism and unworthy to stand in the light of civ- 
ilization. Children of the same family are regarded as equals, and 
the natural affections suffered to flow on in tlieir true and jiroper 
channels. (Jlpplause.) 

There is no blight upon society more fatal than that known as the 
law of primogeniture; — no system so destructive to equality of condi- 
tion among men. Where immense fortunes are built up, and perpe- 
tuated i>om one generation to another, the conuiiunity is necessarily 
divided into two classes, — the )ich and the poor; the one aristocratic, 
haughty and overbearing, — the other subservient, degraded and mis- 
erable. What state of things can be imagined more deplorable than 
this, where millions (oil on forever in hopeless poverty, to earn the 
scanty subsistence which depraved and wanton luxury grudgingly 
doles out to drive gaunt famine from their hovels! Think you tliat 
Heaven thus designed its bounties to be distributed? Were not rather 
its gifts intended for all, and has not man abused the mercies of the 
Creator.'' The day of retribution will come at length, as sure as an 
impartial Judge sits on the throne of the Universe, when Lazarus will 
take something more than the portion of dogs, and share, as he ought, 
in the munificence of his Maker. {Eiithiisiastic applause.) The air 
which surrounds us, — the water which rolls to the ocean, are free to all, 
and why should any portion of the human race be debarred from acqui- 
ring a right in the soil on which their homes are built, and from which 
their subsistence is derived. (Reneivcd applavsc.) 

Thank God, that American institutions know no such system of foul 
iniquity as that to which I refer! They encourage industry, — they 
promote enterprise, — they favor the acquisition of wealth and pro- 
tect its enjoyment. But they do not, and they never will lend their 
sanction to build up classes or families, or perpetuate the luxuries of 
Dives to the oldest descendant of his name. {tBpplause.) They re- 
cognise the perfect equality of all citizens, and the humblest is as 
much within their protection as the highest. The President, with all 
the honors of his station, stands before the law, as the equal and no 
more, of the poorest and lowliest of liis countrymen, and the wheel of 
fortune, which to-day has elevated him to power, may, at its next 
turn, place the latter in the same position.' [Great applause.) The 



17 

avenues of wealth and honor are closed to men of no class or condi- 
tion. The pursuit of fortune is free to all, and there are none who 
may not, if they will, possess their own homes and firesides, not in de- 
pendance upon others, as a serf upon his lord, but in their own right, 
free, unquestioned and perpetual. {Increased applause.) 

The rights of conscience are respected, and the citizen of the Uni- 
ted States may bend his knee in worship of the Supreme Being, at 
such altar as his own free choice shall dictate. Be he Pagan or 
Christian, Turk or Jew, he stands upon the same footing, responsible 
to God alone, and not to man, for the form of the service he renders 
up to Him. It is the peculiar glory of American institutions that they 
first recognized this grand principle in human government. The alli- 
ance of Church and State is fraught with evils to both. Religion 
needs not the aid of civil power to support its holy mission. It is 
clothed with the panoply of truth, and scorns the sword, the dungeon 
and the fagot. These are not the appropriate weapons of its warfare 
upon earth, — they are charity and love; and where such weapons fail, 
human laws may make hypocrites, but never Christians. (Applause.) 
Liberty of speech and of the press stands among the dearest privi- 
leges of the American citizen. He acknowledges no censorship to 
place a curb upon thought, or to bridle the tongue. He confides in 
public sentiment to correct abuses; and experience shows that, in this 
respect, an educated people may be safely trusted. 

Education has done more for American society in half a century, 
than swords and bayonets and dungeons have accomplished for Europe 
in ages. (Great applause.) An intelligent and virtuous people will, 
in the end, be free; and no state of freedom can long be maintained 
without intelligence. Education is the best sentinel to keep guard in 
the citadel of Liberty, and no surprise need be feared when the com 
mon school turns out its generations of soldiers and statesmen. {'Ap- 
plause.) The common schools of the United States are justly regard- 
ed with pride by every American, and are more to be cherished, as 
seminaries for the people, than the college or university, whose bene- 
fits are dispensed within a narrower range. 

All these advantages of free institutions have been placed within 
the reach of the world. No narrow or bigoted policy has closed the 



18 

doors of freedom to the stranger. Tlie altars of liberty are thronged 
with worshippers from every land, and none are thrust back from the 
sanctuary of the temple, who sincerely wish to offer up the incense of 
a pure homage. In every State of the Union are heard, as here to- 
day, the strong, clear voices of men of Teutonic race, discoursing the 
sweetest music of Freedom's melodies. {Applause.) In every city 
and village, throughout America, the Celt and the German are as- 
sembled to-day, with the sons of the soil, to listen to the Declaration 
of Independence, ready with one accord to swear with uplifted hand 
before heaven, to shed their blood in defence of its principles. {Re- 
newed applause.) 

The experience of more than half a century has demonstrated the 
capacity of the people for self-government, and established the just 
right of the United States to be regarded as the "Model Republic.'" 
{Great applause.) The apprehensions of friends have been quieted, 
— the predictions of enemies falsified, and the impartial man of every 
nation must bear testimony in favor of American institutions. I know 
there are those who still prate about the inefficiency of our system, — 
who toll us of its tendency to corruption, and gloat over any high 
party excitement, or any occasional disorder which may arise in any 
part of the confederacy, as an evidence that the glorious fabric of our 
national Union is to be rent in twain. With them " the wish is father 
to the thought." They could not judge truly and fairly if they would. 
Prejudice has blinded their eyes, and like Saul of Tarsus, they "kick 
against the pricks." {Great applause.) 

" All seema infected that the infected spy. 
As all looks yellow to the jaundiced eye." (Renewed applause.) 
As a people, we doubtless have our faults; and who is without themr 
There may be some few rough points in our character, over which the 
chisel of the sculptor could be driven with advantage; but I take it 
upon me'to say, that the very imperfections with which our venerable 
step-mother is most accustomed to reproach us, were created by her 
own kind and affectionate requirements, and ingrained into our nature 
by her precepts, when she claimed us as obedient and useful children, 
in performing the drudgery of her household. {Much applause.) 

But no matter how this point may be settled, it is an existing fact 
that we rank among the great maritime powers of the world, and arc 



19 

rapidly advancing to be the first of them all. Our policy is peace, 
and upon its preservation our prosperity in a great measure depends. 
In the wars of European governments, or in the causes wliich pro- 
duce them, we have no concern, and do not seek to interfere. The 
balance of power on the Eastern Continent may vibrate as it will, we 
are not affected by it. It is true, our sympathies may be excited by 
the hard fate of brave and generous people, who are trodden down by 
unholy combinations, — their life-blood crushed out by the iron heel of 
oppression. We had a tear for the misfortunes of Poland, — a regret 
when a detested Bourbon dynasty was by force imposed upon France ; 
and still can pity the miseries of the Magyar and the Celt. {Applause.) 
But beyond the manifestation of sympathy we have not presumed to go , 
and it is but fair to claim that the same forbearance which we have 
exercised, shall be displayed by the powers of Europe, in regard to 
affairs in the Western hemisphere. The American nations are fully 
competent to take care of their own interests, and if they are wise, 
they will brook no interference from abroad. (Applause.) If combi- 
nations be made to overawe or dictate, or enter into arrangements 
contrary to their wishes, let them be met in the spirit of defiance, and 
if need be, by the sword. {Great applause.) The United States have 
already taken their ground upon this point, and they will maintain it. 
By position and by strength, they have the right to a controlling voice 
in whatever concerns American policy, and this right they will not 
surrender at the dictation of any power or coalition upon earth. {'Ap- 
plause.) The time for European colonization in America and the con- 
tiguous islands, in both oceans, has gone by, and can never return. 
No more European colonies, — no more European protectorates, — no 
more European interventions should henceforth be allowed to exist with- 
in the proper range of American influence. {Enthusiastic applause.) 
Why should Europe be permitted to interfere upon American soil, or 
prescribe to the Government of the Union the bounds of its action ? 
The East affords a theatre wide enough for moderate ambition, and the 
West desires with the East only the fellowship of peace and com- 
merce. 

We are free, we are independent, we are not without strength; and 
we will act as becomes a free people; — moreover, other nations must 



20 

respect our rights, and find, if unfortunately they are disposed to in- 
termeddle in our affairs, that there is an abihty and a will to resist 
their pretensions. The " Monroe doctrine," as it is called, is the 
true American doctrine, — the doctrine of " Old America" and " Young 
America," — in short, the well-considered and well-grounded doctrine 
of the " Universal Yankee Nation." ( Great applause.) On this doc- 
trine there is no distinction of party; and if there should ever be oc- 
casion to support it, in regard to the American Continent or its adja- 
cent islands, you will find among us, young and old, but one voice, one 
determination, one inflexible purpose. {Jipplause.) 

I have spoken freely and strongly, but I trust with proper courtesy, 
and as becomes an American. The Amei'ican citizen has no occasion 
for reserve or concealment in whatever concerns his country, her poli- 
cy and institutions. It is not his appropriate part, at home or in for- 
eign countries, to 

" Crook the pregnant binges of the knee. 
Where thrift may follow fawning. ' ' 

Let him speak boldly, and act boldly, on all suitable occasions, as 
a freeman ought to speak and act, conceding to others the respect and 
deference to which they are justly entitled, but not a particle more. 
(Great applause.) Meekness is a virtue, and in its proper place enti- 
tled to admiration, but the American who would only speak in subdued 
and feeble tones of his country's honor, or listen to reproaches upon 
her fair name, is a craven at heai't, without the manhood of the sav- 
age. (Renewed applause.) 

.There is in our history, no long catalogue of dark antecedents t© 
make us blush for our country. Her fame is spotless, her banner un- 
sullied, and every star upon her escutcheon radiant with the purest 
light. Who then is ashamed to stand up in any presence, and say he 
is an American ? What man is there among you all, whose veins do 
not throb with quicker and stronger pulsations, at the sound of those 
strains which tell him of his childhood's home, his native land ? (Ap- 
plause.) 

We are far away from our early homes, — an ocean separates us 
from the land of our birth. We stand upon a foreign, but a hospitable 
soil, to whose sons our countrymen first brought ihe blessings of civili- 



21 

zation, and pointed out the hopes of Heaven. We can feel that we 
are not altogether aliens and sojourners, for on every side we behold 
our own long-cherished institutions, transplanted from American 
shores, and destined, we may trust, in no dim distance in the future, to 
a still more healthy and vigorous growth. (Ch-eat applause.) 

At home we may sometimes be unmindful of the full extent of the 
blessings we enjoy. But abroad it is far different. On foreign shores, 
contrast enables us to see in all the vivid colors of reality, the present 
advantages, and higher hopes of a free people. 

At all times, I have loved my country with a sincere and exalted 
affection. I have ever rejoiced in her prosperity, and looked forward 
to the time when she would stand first in power and dignity, as she 
did in the freedom and happiness of her children. But never, till her 
coasts receded from my sight in the ocean distance, could I realize 
the intensity of my love, or the full extent of my gratitude to God for 
placing it in my power to boast that I was an American citizen. {'Ap- 
plause,) And as I stood in foreign countries, and contrasted their con- 
dition with the prosperity and order I had left behind me, I felt that 
the wealth and honors of the universe could not tempt me to lay aside 
that proud title, or separate myself forever, from "my own, my native 
land." I looked upon its star-emblazoned banner with new emotions 
of delight and was ready to swear eternal hostility to those who would 
degrade it. (Reneioed Applause.) 

Such, fellow-citizens of the United States, has been your experience 
as well as mine. The further we go from our country, the more our 
love springs up, the more is our patriotism excited, and the more ar- 
dent are our wishes for its prosperity. 

There is no time, or place, or circumstance, which can make us 
forget our origin, or diminish the regard which we owe to our common 
mother. Wherever the American ensign is displayed, we will rally 
around it, and welcome the ample protection which it affords. (./3p- 
plause.) Wherever its folds float in the breeze, at home or abroad, 
upon the land or on the ocean, we shall be ready to raise our hands 
and exclaim, 



" Flag of the free hearts' only home, 

By angel hands to valor given ! 

Thy stars shall light the welkin dome. 

For all thy hues were born in Heaven !" 

( Great applause. ) 

Nay, slill more than this ! In the spirit of confidence which admits 
no donbt, of resolute determination which never pauses but in victory 
we will add our invocation that its lustre may be forever undimmed, 
— its stars for ever unclouded. 

" Forever float that standard sheet ! 

Where breathes the foe but falls before us, 
With freedom's soil beneath our feet, 

And freedom's banner streaming o'er us !" 

(^Enlhusiastic and long-continued applause, after U'hich nine cheers 
u'ere proposed for the Orator, and heartily given.) 



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